[Column] A country free from the threat of military coup d’etats

Koreans block a military truck attempting to breach the grounds of the National Assembly in the early hours on Dec. 4, 2024, after President Yoon Suk-yeol declared martial law. (EPA/Yonhap)

By Hong Sung-soo, professor of law at Sookmyung Women’s University

“The fact that we no longer face the danger of a military coup d’etat is a great achievement of South Korean democracy. You all should be proud of that legacy.” This is something I tell my students every semester without fail. It’s true: in democratic countries, coups prove to be a real headache. Right now, many countries are failing to extricate themselves from the vicious cycle of democratization, coup d’etat and self-coup. Up until Dec. 3, 2024, South Korea was a model democratic state that had solved that historical problem. 

Our ability to escape the danger of a coup was only possible because of what we’ve experienced in the past. After taking power in a coup in 1961, President Park Chung-hee remained in power for 18 years. His reign ended only when he was assassinated by one of his own men. But soon, Chun Doo-hwan, one of Park’s military subordinates, initiated a military coup and took power. The June Democratic Struggle of 1987 brought us a golden opportunity to end the military dictatorship, but the person elected to the presidency was Roh Tae-woo, someone who had aided Chun in his coup. 

It wasn’t until 1992 that the country got its first civilian president in the form of Kim Young-sam, but he was only elected after he compromised with military leaders to unite three separate parties. In 1998, Kim Dae-jung was elected after uniting with Kim Jong-pil, forming the DJP alliance. Kim Jong-pil took part in the coup that put Park Chung-hee into power. If it weren’t for the 1997 Asian financial crisis and the big-tent party that included Kim Jong-pil, it would have been difficult for Kim Dae-jung to get elected. In 2013, Park Geun-hye, Park Chung-hee’s daughter, effectively aroused nostalgia for her father and was elected president. 

There were numerous times when we were on the verge of yet another coup. Roh Tae-woo, hampered by an opposition majority in the National Assembly and struggling with low approval ratings, made plans for a self-coup. However, he ultimately opted for the “political” solution of joining a big-tent convergence of three parties. During the Lee Myung-bak administration, public approval ratings plummeted to levels that rivaled those seen during the Yoon administration. Lee also faced widespread anti-government protests. But nobody thought that he would mobilize the military to save his own skin. 

The Choi Soon-sil scandal led to public support for the Park Geun-hye administration plummeting to around 5%. Around a million people gathered in Gwanghwamun Square to call for her impeachment. The Defense Security Command drafted a document for reviewing the option of martial law, but they did not have the guts to put it into action. Even to Roh, who had personally played a role in Chun’s coup, and to Park, who was the daughter of a military leader who took power through a coup, the mobilization of the military was not a viable option. This is why Yoon’s claim that he declared martial law as the result of an “unavoidable choice to stand against the legislative tyranny of the Democratic Party” rings hollow.

Prior to December, whenever people hinted at suspicions of martial law, the Yoon administration’s presidential office was incredulous, saying things like, “Martial law in the 21st century? Don’t be ridiculous.” Former Defense Minister Shin Won-sik got flustered and said, “A coup must never happen and cannot happen. It is impossible within the current Republic of Korea.” Former Defense Minister Kim Yong-hyun said, “Even if martial law were declared, who would obey, citizen or soldier?” In December 2024, what seemed impossible became reality. 

A few soldiers passively resisted when given their orders. Citizens ran to the National Assembly to oppose armed soldiers. And this time around, rallies filled the streets with light sticks. The National Assembly rescinded martial law according to the law and to the Constitution, and they passed the motion to impeach Yoon. Yoon and military and police leaders were arrested and indicted. When things went down, everything went according to processes outlined in the constitutional system. Everything went as expected. We simply failed to prevent Yoon from recklessly declaring martial law. 

Every March, university lecture halls are filled with expectations and hopes regarding new things as the school year comes to a start. This year, however, I couldn’t talk about the great achievements of democratization. I couldn’t excitedly claim my pride for our “democratic country where the danger of coups has disappeared.” 

But I couldn’t leave the Dec. 3 martial law incident unaddressed, and the atmosphere in the lecture hall became heavier than ever. I expect that next year, the Dec. 3 martial law debacle will be just another one of the many trials and tribulations that make up the process of our democratization. 

It was a completely unexpected crisis, but I am already waiting with anticipation for the conversations with leading figures about how wisely we overcame it. While there were times when it was slow and laborious, in the end the journey of our democratization never went backwards. The Constitutional Court needs to set another precedent in the history books regarding the treatment of someone who mobilizes the military in a democratic country without a solid reason. I pray that the news we all await comes sooner rather than later. 

Please direct questions or comments to [english@hani.co.kr]